1824: The Arkansas War

S EPTEMBER 3, 1824

"It failed only this," John Quincy Adams said softly, staring out the window of his office in the State Department. He was talking to himself, since his aide had left the room as soon as he delivered the latest report from England.

Too quickly, as it turned out, although the man was simply being courteous. Adams turned from the window and went to the door. Opening it and leaning out, he called for the same aide.

"Yes, Mr. Secretary?"

"I need to see the president. See to making an appointment, if you would."

The man was back within ten minutes. "He says he can see you now, sir. Since it's that pressing."

Adams started to snap a response to the effect that he'd never said anything to the aide about the matter being "pressing." In fact, it wasn't, precisely.

But he held the reproof in check. Simply the fact that he'd felt something was important enough to ask for a special meeting with the chief executive, he realized, was enough for Monroe to label it as urgent. There was something of a compliment there, actually.

James Monroe was an imperturbable man, as a rule, so there was no expression on his face when he finished reading the relevant portion of the ambassador's report. That didn't take long, since Ambassador Rush's prose tended to run to the terse side.

The president laid the report on his desk. "I think we should ask Winfield to join us, if you don't mind."

"Of course, Mr. President." Adams rose from his chair. "I'll summon a messenger."

Since the War Department was no farther away than the State Department, General Scott arrived within ten minutes. It took him considerably less time than that to read the report.

Having done so, he sighed. "Ross, no less. And if Rush's report is accurate, he's said to have packed his uniform in the trunk." He glanced back down at the report. "His ship should be arriving in New Orleans within a fortnight. Not time enough for us to get anyone down there with a warning."

"A warning of what, Winfield?" demanded Adams. "That a private citizen of Great Britain-a nation with whom we are no longer at war, I remind you; indeed, are enjoying relatively good terms with these days-has decided to pay a personal visit to our shores. Even if we could get a warning down there in time, what good would it do? We could hardly have the man arrested, after all."

The general's lips quirked as he glanced around the president's office. "We are talking about the same 'private citizen' whose troops once burned this very residence, as I recall."

Monroe's smile was broader but just as crooked. "Indeed. But that was then-ancient history, almost-and this is now. The real question is:"

Scott nodded. "Yes, Mr. President, I understand. The real question is whether Robert Ross is in fact simply a private citizen, or whether he's acting on behalf of the British government. Informally, if not formally."

"We have been expecting such a move on their part," Monroe pointed out. "Actually, I'm surprised they haven't done it sooner. It's perfectly logical for Britain to consider an alliance with the Confederacy."

"They probably would have," Adams said, "except Canning is waiting to see what our response will be to his proposal to form a common bloc against the continental powers over the issues in South America. Keeping France from getting a toehold in the New World again is far more important to Britain than whatever gains they could make against us by forming an alliance with the Arkansas Confederacy. Besides:"

He pondered for a moment while the president and the general waited patiently. Like most educated men in America, they considered John Quincy Adams the nation's foremost analyst of international affairs.

"Here's what I think, Mr. President," he said at length. "Nothing I haven't told you before, of course. I believe the long era of sharp antagonism between the United States and Great Britain has come to an end. Henceforth-oh, yes, there'll be squabbles here and there-I don't foresee any major tensions. In fact, I expect we'll see the emergence of what amounts to a tacit alliance with Britain."

Monroe glanced at Scott. Technically, the general had no business sitting in on a discussion of the nation's foreign affairs. But, under the circumstances, Monroe apparently felt the same as Adams. Why not? Scott was astute himself, and he could be trusted to keep his mouth shut.

"Continue, John. Though I can't resist the temptation here to point out that your analysis seems a bit odd, given that you've been the member of the Cabinet who's argued most vehemently against accepting Britain's latest proposal."

"That's matching teapots against camels, Mr. President. My objection isn't to the substance of Canning's proposal; it's simply to its form. The foreign secretary wants Britain and the United States to issue a joint statement, and I don't. I'd far rather-as you know-see us take an independent stance against continental ambitions in Latin America than come in as-"

" 'A cockboat in the wake of the British man-of-war,' " the president concluded for him. "Yes, I know, John. And I'll agree it's a very nice turn of phrase. But, as I said, please continue."

Adams shrugged. "If I'm right-and I am-then I think the conclusion follows directly, with regard to the matter at hand. Whatever purpose Robert Ross has in coming to America, he is not acting-not in any way-on behalf of the British government."

Monroe gazed at him levelly. "Would you be willing to state as much in a private letter to Senator Jackson? I'd just as soon avoid an explosion there. Given his attitudes toward Britain-added to the tensions that already exist with Arkansas-any hint that a British officer is meddling in American affairs will be like waving a red flag in front of a bull. But he's likely to listen to you, John."

Adams caught the grimace that came briefly to Scott's face. The general, quite obviously, felt that catering to Jackson was questionable, given that the man had no real business being involved in the first place. He was a senator, now, no longer active in the military and not a part of the administration.

But however good a general he might be, Scott's grasp of politics left much to be desired. As witness the very public brawl he'd gotten into with Jackson himself, a few years back, that could have easily been avoided just by the use of some reasonable amount of tact. So Adams ignored the expression.

"Yes, certainly." He smiled crookedly himself. "Mind, it'll be a bit difficult to phrase it properly. A good part of the reason I'm certain Ross isn't acting for Canning is because he's been so closely tied to the British antislavery movement these past years. Hardly the man a Tory government would choose as a go-between-and hardly something I want to dwell on in a letter to one of Tennessee's major slave-owners."

Monroe actually laughed. "Yes, I'd say! One of Britain's most notorious abolitionists come to pay a visit to the man who is quite possibly the most notorious abolitionist in the whole world. Certainly in North America. There's as much in that to infuriate Old Hickory as in the thought of an actual British agent."

To Adams's surprise, Scott shook his head. "I wouldn't be so sure, Mr. President. They're all soldiers, don't forget, and soldiers tend to treasure two things above all: gallantry, and their own reputations."

Monroe cocked an eyebrow at him. "The gallantry I understand. I was once a soldier myself. But I'm not following you on the rest. The part about reputations, I mean."

"Have you-either one of you-read Ross's account of the Gulf campaign?"

Monroe and Adams looked at each other. Then, simultaneously, shook their heads.

"Well, I have-and you can be sure and certain that Andrew Jackson has read it also. It was published quite extensively. Very popular in Britain at the time-and any number of copies were purchased here in America."

Adams frowned. "I'm still not following you, Winfield. I've never read the thing, but I understood it was a defense of Pakenham's conduct in the-ah. I see. Yes, of course."

Monroe was frowning now, looking back and forth between the other two men in his office. "Will someone please explain:Ah. Yes, of course. No way to defend Pakenham, is there, except to speak well of Jackson?"

"Exceedingly well, Mr. President," Scott said. "I wouldn't go so far as to state that Ross used a ladle to pour praise over Jackson. But he certainly used a very large spoon. That's something Jackson will appreciate, just as he appreciates the martial accomplishments of Patrick Driscol. Meaning that you might have three men coming to a clash of arms, but all of them respect-even admire-each other. That makes quite a difference, for men who think like soldiers. Which they all do."

Monroe sat up a little straighter in his chair. "Well, that's something of a relief. The last thing we need is another eruption from Andy Jackson. So let's get down to it then. Why is Robert Ross coming to America?" He glanced down at the ambassador's report. "Quite clearly, in response to an invitation from Driscol."

By now, Adams thought he saw it clear. "The simplest of all reasons. Driscol expects a war-half expects it, at least-and he wants expert military counsel. More counsel, I should say. I'm remembering now that Winfield suggested in this very room, just months ago, that the fortifications in Arkansas were too sophisticated for Driscol to have developed all on his own."

Monroe looked at Scott. The general nodded. "I'd have to agree, Mr. President."

The president was now completely erect in his chair, his fingers laced together in front of him on the desk. "Very well, then. What does either of you suggest we might do?"

"Nothing, Mr. President," came Adams's immediate response. "Other than the letter I'll write Jackson, I propose we do nothing at all, since I can't see anything we could do that wouldn't make everything worse. We've already-several years ago-put a stop to any government funding for those adventurers in Louisiana. So we have no financial leverage to bring to bear. What's left is direct military action. But against who? We have no legitimate quarrel with the Confederacy. Not one, at any rate, that would be accepted by any other nation as a casus belli. That means all we could do would be to use troops or the threat of troops in Louisiana, to prevent a freebooting expedition by the likes of Crittenden. Which would stir up a hornet's nest. Besides, you can't stop such expeditions, anyway, if they have any serious local backing. We've never been able to in the past; why should we succeed now?"

Scott hesitated for a few seconds. "I'd have to agree, Mr. President, although I feel the need to point out that if an attempt is made against Arkansas by private adventurers, it's likely to result in a catastrophe for them."

"They wouldn't be entering the fortified mountainous areas," the president pointed out. "What they'd want is simply the river plain and its broad bottomlands."

The general spread his hands. "Yes, sir, I know. But if they think Driscol won't come down to get them, they'd be badly mistaken. He will-and he'll smash them."

"You're sure of that?"

"Oh, yes. Both of the first, and of the last. And Driscol won't do it piecemeal, the way Perez drove Long's expedition out of Texas. He'll maneuver them into a battle and hammer them flat."

Monroe nodded and looked at the window. "Which political elements here would use for a rallying cry."

"Clay, to give them a name," stated Adams.

"Yes, most likely." After a moment, Monroe said: "General, if you'd be so-"

"Of course, sir," said Scott, rising from his chair and heading for the door. "If you need me any further, I'll be in the War Department."

After he was gone, Monroe's eyes came away from the window and looked at Adams. "I'll leave the decision to you, John. I've not more than a few months left in office. Whatever does or doesn't happen in Arkansas between now and then won't be something whose consequences I'll have to deal with. You, on the other hand, might. Are you so sure of this?"

"Yes, Mr. President, I'm quite sure." It was Adams's turn to hesitate. "Should it come to pass that the Republic calls on my services-I've had to consider that possibility, of late-then it's necessary for me to think in the long run. The situation with Arkansas will continue to fester, no matter what. Sooner or later, that boil will have to be lanced-but it's a mistake to lance a boil too soon, or it simply returns."

"Clay won't 'lance' it if he's elected president," Monroe said bluntly. "He'll scrape it."

"Well. He'll try. But I am not Henry Clay." Stiffly: "I refuse to adopt another man's methods-methods I consider base, sir, to speak bluntly-simply in order to put myself in his place. Where's any purpose in that?"

Monroe unlaced his hands and leaned back in the chair. "I understand. Nothing it is, then. We'll just let it keep unfolding."

1824: TheArkansasWar