Pressure Man

Chapter Nine

In deep space a ship becomes a small world. While there is radio contact with the moon and with the more powerful stations at Houston and DOSEWEX, that contact is limited to official and functional communications. Radio messages from the Kennedy should have been less limited than those of an ordinary ship, for the Kennedy had as much computer power as either of the two main control stations. But since anyone on Earth with a powerful receiver could monitor ship channels, the Kennedy was limited in the information she could safely send.

Still when things settled down and the watches became long and boring, a favorite form of entertainment was to listen to traffic between ships in space and the home control stations.

To be in deep space was to be cut off from any accurate knowledge of affairs on Earth, for the daily broadcasts to spacers were from government-controlled stations. Much of the news content of such programs was shameless puffs of current Publicrat policies, promises of the Utopia to come. There was no mention of the attempt to destroy the Kennedy or of the death of the terrorists on the moon.

In the early days, when a few brave men were the focus of the attention of the world, nothing was too good for spacemen. On the first Mars flights the hours of boredom were partially dispelled by broadcasts on a special channel, news, music, and even long chats with relatives and friends of the men who were riding the ship through a long, tedious flight. Now, in the name of economy, broadcasts were limited and consisted mostly of propaganda.

No one aboard the Kennedy bothered to listen to the government stations. The ship carried a sizable film library and good music tapes. Because power was unlimited, there was a decent library of real books, plus a larger one of microfilm. Still, one of the favorite forms of passing time was to listen to the cool, professional voices of spacers sending reports to Houston.

For essential communications, the Kennedy was equipped with a squirter, a device which compacted voice messages into a split-second burst of energy and beamed the messages down to DOSEWEX, where they were recorded, stretched, and decoded. Messages were received in the same way, and only J.J. had access to the decoder. He held briefings on important communications. He was concerned by a new, all-out attack on the space program. Budget cutting in Congress was only one symptom. There was nothing definite as yet, but the FBI reported an apparent lessening of competition among the various radical groups. One indication was an attack on the DOSE communications station during which both Earthfirsters and Worldsavers had been killed.

One of the persistent questions sent by J.J. asked who had made the decision, at the last minute, to reverse a continuing policy of appeasement in dealing with terrorists.

“It is very strange,” he said, “because for years I’ve advocated a get-tough policy. I have always said that it would be best, in the long run, to sacrifice a few lives by refusing ransom demands. Sure, it would be rough on the victims, but it would save lives over the long period. For years I’ve been overruled from the political side. A gang of terrorists takes a hostage and demands the release of imprisoned terrorists, or money, or some political objective. In the past the bleeding hearts have forced us to give in in the name of saving the life of the hostage. Then, all of a sudden, when there’s more at stake than there ever has been, when the Kennedy herself is the pawn, when the last hope for space is the prize, we embark on a new policy of non-negotiation.”

“A political decision?” Dom suggested. “Because the politicians really wanted the Kennedy to be destroyed?”

“I’ve asked repeatedly,” J.J. said. “I get no answers. My main question is this. How did the Earthsiders find out about the situation when the moon was blocked off from any communications?”

“Any one of a dozen facilities could have broken radio silence,” Doris said.

“Or someone in Washington could have known in advance about Benson’s bomb,” J.J. said. “Someone at a high level had to be involved to get a bomb into Canaveral for that first attempt, and ditto to getting Bensen assigned to load the water.”

“Admiral Pinkerton?” Neil asked.

“He has only a couple of years to go before retirement,” J.J. said. “He’s had a good career. I don’t see him as a traitor to the service.”

“That’s the problem,” Dom said. “Who can we trust? There had to be a relatively high-level traitor at DOSEWEX to arrange the raid there.”

“We have one advantage,” J.J. said. “We know we’re fighting for survival, not only for the space program but for all of humanity. I seem always to be giving pep talks, but what the hell. It all boils down to seven people, us. We bring back the bacon or that’s it for space. The Kennedy will make a few Mars runs and then she’ll be scrapped. The Mars stations will be closed. Eventually even the moon will be closed and we’ll all be down there breeding ourselves into starvation. What follows will make the Dark Ages seem like an era of enlightenment.”

“It makes you wonder, doesn’t it?” Jensen asked. “Sometimes I think what we need is a man on horseback, a real leader.”

“A military takeover of the government?” J.J. asked sternly.

“What government?” Jensen snorted. “That bunch of idiots in Washington?”

“Are you saying that you feel democracy has outlived its usefulness?” J.J. asked.

“There never has been true democracy,” Jensen said. “And certainly not in recent years. Not with terrorists depriving people of their right to live, their right to make their own decisions.”

J.J. nodded grimly. “There have always been criminals among us, but when the cities grew too large to be governed properly the criminals were more free to act. Sensible citizens locked themselves in their apartments when they were deprived of the right to walk the streets in safety, and the early efforts to remedy the situation were one hundred eighty degrees off target. The bleeding-heart school of sociologists said that the criminal was merely a product of his environment, that he was to be pitied. Criminal penalties grew steadily less severe. A man can commit murder now and either walk free or serve no more than three years in a government detention home which is much like a country club. When the bleeding hearts finally pushed through anti-gun legislation and confiscated all firearms from lawful citizens, they left enough arms in the hands of criminal types to start a revolution. Then the terrorists gained a foothold in the twentieth century. At first there was no international condemnation, because certain groups of terrorists had the secret support of certain countries. The individual had no protection against violence. Government failed to live up to the obligation to protect the people. Sensible men refused to remember that since the beginning, force can only be countered by force. Man has always been a predator, merciless to his fellow men. And when the majority lets a minority composed of predators control policy and topple governments, it’s all over.”

“You’re saying that most of us have become overcivlized,” Doris said.

“Or soft-headed.” J.J. sighed. “Sure, it’s humane to feel pity for the unfortunate and to help when it is possible. It is damned well not possible to give to every individual in the world the luxuries which, in the past, were the rewards for achievers. Take one absurd example. There just isn’t enough gold in existence to give every person on earth a gold ring. There isn’t enough of several commodities to give every woman a washing machine, a dishwasher, a toaster, a television set. The world was not meant to support so many people. And I think there is an overall design in the basic reality that the world alone cannot provide the ideal life for eight billion people.”

“The old argument for space,” Ellen said. “It is man’s destiny to go into space, since his small world can’t satisfy his needs.”

“I think man’s place is in space,” Neil said, “but I don’t believe in some predestined force. I think the stars are just there and it’s immaterial to the universe whether man reaches them or not.”

“There are still those who think we’re going to come face to face with God out there in space and be blinded,” Art said.

“Let’s get back to Paul’s suggestion of a man on horseback,” Neil said. “Suppose a leader did arise. Suppose he built an organization which could take over the United States. If he had one goal and one goal only, and that was to restore law and order, what actions would he take, and how far would people like us back him?”

“I’d want to know that sooner or later we’d return to a form of democracy,” Doris said.

“I’d grab a weapon and enlist in his force,” Paul said.

“I’d try to become an intimate of his and have a say in things.” J.J. laughed. “But then I’ve always thought that a benevolent dictatorship was the finest and most efficient form of government.”

“As long as I’m the benevolent dictator,” Dom said. “But I’d back the right man, I guess. I know that things look bad, but we’re not finished, not yet. Like Doris, I’d want to return to being a republic, not a democracy. No heirs to the great man allowed, to give power time to corrupt.”

“I can think of a dozen men who’d handle things better than the politicians,” Paul said.

“The sad thing is that the revolution, if there is one, is being run by the wrong people,” Dom said.

“Perhaps, if we finish our mission, there won’t be a revolution,” J.J. said. “What we’ll bring back will be revolutionary, but for the better. But Neil asked a good question. How far would we be willing to go, how many personal freedoms would we be willing to put into storage, in order to restore a bit of sanity in the world? Would we send armed soldiers to break up Earthfirster rallies and kill hundreds?”

“Would it be a loss?” Paul asked.

“I’d send them with fire guns,” Neil said.

“I would first give them a chance to disperse peacefully,” Ellen said.

“Hell, exterminate them where you find them,” Neil said.

“My husband met force with force,” Doris said. “He died.”

There was a moment of silence. “We’re a fine, bloodthirsty crew,” Dom said. “If I decide to start a revolution I’ll recruit all of you.”

“Would it be inhumane to kill the terrorists in order to have peace?” J.J. asked.

“You’re being very persistent with that question, aren’t you?” Ellen asked.

“I’m curious,” J.J. said. “Is it wrong to put the welfare of the race ahead of temporary considerations of personal freedom? Would we be labeled monsters by history if we killed thousands in order to make life better for millions?”

“That question is too big for me,” Dom said.

“Because it could come to that,” J.J. said. “You may be forced to take sides, to fight. Space and future hope, or Earth in isolation and slow rot. The future or the present. A loaf of bread for each citizen before starvation or some starvation now and plenty later.”

“I can hope for a loaf now and more loaves in the future,” Dom said. “I can hope that that alien on Jupiter has a sublight drive and we pull him out and he shares his secrets with us. I can hope that we’ll build a fleet of starships and start sending out colonists to grow good wheat so that every man does not want for bread.”

“I can go with that,” J.J. said. “But what if the bogie is not a sublight ship? What if it is merely an unmanned probe which has been traveling for centuries? Sure, a sublight drive would solve all our problems, provided that there are rich, uninhabited planets out there. But what would solve our short-term problems and give us an opportunity to develop our own starships?”

“That’s simple,” Ellen said. “Food.”

“Food,” J.J. said. “All our recent efforts have been directed toward providing more food. We’re going to Jupiter to try to salvage an alien ship in the hope that it will enable us to move the race to a new food supply. Food is the key. The man, or group of men, who provide the world with food can control the world without armed revolution. Do you agree?”

“Meaning that if we, as you say, bring home the bacon, the service will have a strong voice in policy?” Doris asked.

“Shouldn’t we?” J. J. countered.

“So we’re going to Jupiter so that we can tell other men what to do?” Doris asked.

“Hell, no,” J. J. said. “We’re going to Jupiter to get a few loaves of bread.” He spread his hands. “But when it comes down to it, who would you rather have running things, service people or men like the senator from New Mexico?”

“Knowing some high-ranking service people, that’s not much of a choice,” Dom said.

“Flash, you wound me,” J.J. said. He smiled. “There’s been a method behind my madness in this discussion. I mentioned the gentleman from New Mexico. As of this morning, Pacific time, he announced that he has been the controlling force behind the Earthfirster movement. Further, he said that he has effected a union of all radical forces, with the two main groups being Firsters and Worldsavers, and that he intends to take over sole control of the government, either by peaceful means or by armed force.”

“My God,” Doris said.

Dom felt a cold chill run up his spine.

“There will be civil war,” J.J. said. “When we return, well have to take sides.”

“If it isn’t over when we get back,” Neil said.

“Who the hell will fight them?” Art asked. “Not the government in Washington.”

“The Department of Space Exploration has joined with all branches of the service to declare loyalty to the government,” J.J. said.

“The government is riddled with Firsters and Worldsavers,” Dom said.

“The radicals walked out of Congress, declaring it an instrument of totalitarianism. There’s no one left in Washington but the President, a few members of his cabinet, and a few very brave liberals.”

“What a choice,” Neil said. “The terrorists or the bleeding hearts.”

“It’s the only choice we have,” J.J. said, “but you can easily see that if we muster enough force to beat them, we’ll be running things when it’s over. I mean the combined services.”

“Has fighting actually started?” Ellen asked.

“It’s fairly unorganized, for the moment.” J.J. sighed. “There is a main force of radicals pushing eastward from California, picking up recruits as they move. Their target is probably DOSEWEX. A couple of the southern bases, one army and one naval base, have been taken. But mainly the losses have been in the northeast. The southern army and sea marine bases are furnishing most of the loyal troops. There’s a defense line being drawn up running roughly from Chicago to the Texas gulf coast.”

“Can it be held?” Neil asked.

“That remains to be seen. As it looks now, the services, with the exception of the space arms, which have a higher percentage of loyalty, seem to be divided about fifty-fifty.”

“We could newk the bastards and get it over,” Paul said.

“And poison our own country,” J.J. said.

“Leave it so battered that the overseas radicals could walk in,” Neil said.

“Right now we’re fighting a limited war,” J.J. said. “It’s tough to slaughter your own people. You don’t use nuclear weapons on your own country. You try to hold the damage down and pray that old John Q. Public will come up right, as he so often does. The unwashed masses. Sooner or later they’re going to pull their heads out of their TV sets and realize that someone is shooting at them. The way John Q. moves will decide it. Right now there are two relatively small armies shooting at each other.”

“The public will decide the issue on very intelligent thought,” Paul said. “Like which side has the most photogenic generals and the prettiest uniforms.”

“Maybe, maybe not,” J.J. said. “One of the first results of the war will be the destruction of the distribution system. People will be scavenging for edible weeds in the fields. When that happens, we’ll get right down to the nitty-gritty. If we can convince the public that hunger is the result of a war started by the radicals, they might come in on our side. Our mission takes on a new importance. Because if we can go back and promise them the stars—”

“And once we’re in control give them the stars,” Neil said.

Dom was numb. He kept hearing that phrase in his mind. Once we’re in control. It was almost as if—but it was Doris who voiced his suspicions.

“J.J., you knew it was coming, didn’t you? Your whole plan was built around a coming revolution.”

“I can say this,” J.J. said. “We are important, very important, and we have the support of what’s left of the government and of all the services.”