Nexus Deep

Chapter 13

On the Morning of May 27th, the real Soviet answer to Operation Zitadelle began with that rain of steel. The bombardment lasted an hour, and to infantry, even in prepared positions, there is nothing more fearsome. Enemy infantry could be engaged with rifles and machineguns, and tanks could be seen approaching and fought with Panzerfausts and PAK AT guns. But artillery fire seemed to come from nowhere, unseen, yet presaged by the roar of the distant guns, and the closer whine of falling shells. Then chaos visited, and the only thing an infantryman could do was scramble for any cover he could find.

The shock and din of such a bombardment is earth-shaking, mercifully loud to smother the screams of the men unlucky enough to receive a heavy round close enough to kill, or worse, to maim for life. Human bodies are tossed into the air like the earth, and steel shrapnel flays and eviscerates anything in its path. Tanks provide some refuge, unless they receive a close or direct hit. But a 152mm round can even lift a 40-ton vehicle from the ground with the sheer force of the explosion. Shock and fire, blood, dismemberment and death, rule the hour.

Then, after what seemed like an interminable deluge of high explosive madness, the barrage lifts. The last rounds fall, and the heavy smoke drifts on the wind, the smell of death thick on that pallid veil of fear. Men who lay buried in soot and debris, crouching in any depression in the ground they could find, slowly begin to move, like reanimated corpses, groping for weapons, lost helmets, blinking bleary eyed in the acrid smoke, some with blood running down from their ruptured eardrums.

They do not hear the distant shout of tens of thousands, deep throated voices rising with the dawn—Urahhhhhhh ! It is a sound that others spared from deafness have heard for years on the Ostfront, the battle cry of their enemy as he came rushing over the sodden, shell pocked fields. Behind them comes the grind of heavy metal tracks—tanks!

Between the Donets and the Oskol Rivers, four German divisions, the Nordland SS, 50th, 198th and 336th Infantry, held a front of about 55 kilometers. That was a little over 40,000 men, perhaps half that number on the front line, which was a density of about 350 men per kilometer on the outer crust of the defense. Another 30,000 men were in reserve. On the left flank at Chuguyev was Graser’s reinforced 3rd Panzergrenadier Division, and on the right near Kupyansk the remaining two divisions of 57 Panzer Korps waited behind the infantry, seven German divisions in all, some 70,000 troops with 330 tanks. On the other side were six Soviet Armies, the entire Donets Front, totaling 25 divisions and 225,000 men under arms, with just over 600 tanks and another 120 assault guns.

At Chuguyev, General Graser had informed Hoth of the bombardment, and now he had to decide what to do about it. There was a strong attack developing north of that city, and the SS Nordland, the first division on the line in the gap, was also going to need help. He had no choice but to divide his forces into two Kampfgruppes, sending one to each sector.

On the right, Etterlin’s 17th Panzer was perhaps the strongest division in reserve, for the 504th Schwerepanzer Battalion had been added to give it three full battalions of armor. 2nd Shock Army was hitting the 336th Division, its lines anchored on the Oskol River. The 29th Panzergrenadier Division was there at Berezovka to stabilize that sector, and his division would have to mind the center. Should he attack at once, in an effort to stop the blood flowing as soon as possible and hold the line? Something told him that this attack was too massive for his single division to ever master.

If he waited, the enemy might soon break the infantry front, but then he might have the chance to attack the flank of anything that came through. That was what Manstein had done earlier…. But Manstein had five divisions, including Steiner’s entire Korps and Grossdeutschland. That thought gave him a chill, and he realized that if this was as great a torrent as it seemed, he would be swamped if he rushed in now.

So, he waited. In fact, he got on the radio and told General Muller of the 198th Division that he should fold back his lines towards the stream that ran south to the scene of the last great clash between these gladiators, the blackened town of Volkov Yar. Etterlin thought he could make that thin water barrier the line of his shoulder defense, for the enemy was coming through. It was only a matter of time.

This time, he thought, we are not waiting south of the Donets with Manstein and Steiner, in just the perfect position to strike the enemy flank in great strength. No, this time Steiner is over a hundred kilometers to the north, half way to Oboyan, and locked in a death grip with the entire Voronezh Front. And I am sitting here alone, the Panzerkorps scattered about with no real force to do anything until the bull is out of the pen.

So… He wants Volkov Yar back as a point of honor, and after that, the Donets….

That was what Manstein knew implicitly. When the reports came in to his headquarters in Kharkov, he swore aloud, so completely frustrated with Hitler’s insistence that the threat in the south could be safely ignored. It was clear to him that they were now fighting a very different war. The Soviets could still be moved. When sufficient force was concentrated against them, they could be hurt. But gone were the days when the Wehrmacht would rampage through their lines, trapping hundreds of thousands in massive pockets and gobbling up huge amounts of their homeland in the process.

Three days of hard fighting had produced results in the north, but the enemy continued to amaze by producing yet another army to throw in Steiner’s path. This time the formation was designated 8th Guards.

We lined up seven good divisions, he thought, and the offensive took us 40 kilometers in three days. Now, however, I’m afraid I must do everything in my power to see that it does not go one step further.

He was on the telephone to Knobelsdorff immediately. “Trouble in the south,” he said flatly. “I am going to send OKW a strong recommendation that Zitadelle be canceled. The Panzers are going to be needed elsewhere.”

“Cancelled? I Just got Balck moving north again, and with 9th Panzer back, we’re making some progress. Steiner took Pokrovka last night.”

“Well let me put it this way. Before we ever get to Kursk, the Russians will be over the Donets again, and may even have Kharkov. There’s been a major breakthrough in the south, and Kirchner does not have the resources to handle the situation, just as I warned.”

“What do you want me to do?”

“I must present Hitler with a fait acompli. I want you to begin a fighting withdrawal. See if you can get back by using only two divisions on your front. Send the third against that pocket. We’ve swallowed the rat, now we have to digest it. As for Steiner, I will ask him to do the same. Our goal now is to restore the front along a line Belgorod, Tomarovka and on to Model’s front. But I want to kill what we’ve caught in the process.”

“What about the south? Will you need my troops there?”

“Not yet. I’m going to move Steiner to the Middle Donets and pick a suitable place to cross. We cannot get south to try and stop this attack, so we will strike into its rear area communication zone. Unfortunately, that is not Kursk. Oh… One more thing. I’ll need Grossdeutschland.”

“I understand… Should I wait for authorization from OKW?”

“There’s no time for that. I am the theater commander, and I will take full responsibility. Now move.”

The message Manstein would send to OKW was forming in his mind, but he realized he should be in no great hurry to send it. He knew what Hitler’s reaction would be—a stand fast order in the north, or worse, an order that the attack must continue. He needed to get a credible force south as fast as he possibly could, and without interference from the Führer. To do this, without either consulting or obtaining the blessing of OKW, was perhaps the riskiest thing he had done in his long struggle to determine the strategy of this war. Yet if he did not act, the consequences could be very grave.

To try and cover his withdrawal, and confuse the enemy as to his real intentions, he ordered a staff radio operator to send out a message in the clear that the enemy pocket must be destroyed, and units would be detached from the front to complete this mission at once. It would have an unintended consequence as well, instilling the Soviet front line units with the fervor to reach their comrades before that could happen.

The withdrawal began after midnight on the 27th, and the following morning, he sent a terse statement to OKW indicating that strong enemy counterattacks have materialized along the upper and middle Donets, and that certain units had to be detached to deal with them. He asked OKW to closely monitor the situation in the south, wanting to focus their attention there, where he knew the more astute Generals would not fail to appreciate the danger that thrust now represented.

The Soviets finally realized what was happening on the morning of the 28th. Their patrols indicated that the German heavy units were nowhere to be found, and the front was now only being held by a screen of AT guns and small delaying forces. Rokossovsky smiled inwardly, and gave orders to Katukov to push hard to relieve the trapped 5th Shock Group. Chiukov was ordered to retake Pokrovka, and put strong pressure on the enemy front wherever he found it.

Pulling out of a major offensive and assembling the divisions to move south was no small task. Grossdeutschland Division was the first to move, reaching the vicinity of Belgorod mid-day on the 28th. Both 1st and 2nd SS pulled out, with Totenkopf standing as rearguard, and now they were organizing into march columns. Hermann Balck had moved his elite 11th Panzer Division near Tomarovka, ready to attack the pocket or move elsewhere if so ordered. The heavy brigades of KG Decker, and the Ferdinands, were able to reach the rail line near Belgorod, and a train was waiting there to move them south.

The situation on the Middle Donets was far from secure. Several of the spoiling attacks made there had developed into serious penetrations. 7th Guards Army had pushed all the way into the town of Murom, 10 kilometers from the river. 3rd Guards Army had forced a big inroad near Stary Saltov, pushed the Germans out of Bolshaya Babka, and was grappling with both Reichsführer Brigades and a strong KG from 3rd Panzergrenadier Division. South of the big bend in the Donets, it was disaster.

The main Soviet attack had blown a hole in the line that was now 16 kilometers wide, and there was no hope that it could be closed. The SS Nordland, with the rest of 3rd Panzergrenadier Division, had been forced into a cauldron that was trying to protect the approaches to Chuguyev through Malinovka, but there was nothing to guard the line of the Donets as it wound its way down to Zimyev.

Further east, von Etterlin’s wise decision not to commit his 17th Panzer Division had allowed him to organize a new defensive front along that minor river flowing through Volkov Yar, which he now held. The 173rd Reserve Infantry Division had come up from Balakleya to make contact with his southernmost flank, and so now the Germans had some semblance of a line all the way from the Donets at Balakleya, in a wide arc through Volkov Yar and then east to the Oskol river south of Kupyansk.

Vatutin was now in a most enviable position. He had strong mobile forces at his command, moving rapidly through a clean breakthrough, and a host of choices before him. He could turn south to Volkov Yar, reclaiming that town and smashing the 17th Panzer Division in the process. He could bend north and attempt to force the Donets at Chuguyev, taking the most direct route to Kharkov. Or he could make a wider envelopment as Kuznetsov had done with Operation Red Star, and push for a crossing at Zimyev. Lastly, he could forsake all of that and simply drive for Andreyevka on the Donets, where Popov had achieved his bridgehead the previous month.

That choice would be determined as much by what the Germans did, and both Rokossovsky and Vatutin knew who they were up against as they spoke on the phone that afternoon.

“They have put their foot in the bear trap with this offensive,” said Rokossovsky. “I did not think they would accommodate us, but they did. Nothing could be better. What is your situation?”

“Operation Comet has broken through,” said Vatutin. “We must now select an objective that we can take, and keep.”

“Reconnaissance reports there is little defense in Kharkov,” said Rokossovsky, “but they are now concentrating a lot of Steiner’s troops near Belgorod. They could move by rail south very quickly.”

Vatutin thought for a moment. “If we go for Kharkov, by any route, what will Manstein do?”

“That is clear enough,” said Rokossovsky. “He will send enough troops to the city to make it difficult for us, while trying to find a way to cut off your forces and compel a withdrawal.”

“He would have to get very far south to do that,” said Vatutin. “Our spoiling attacks at Volchansk and Stary Saltov were meant to prevent him from crossing the Donets there.”

“Yes, but he may still try.” Rokossovsky was hedging his bets. “I still think it is premature to attempt a major crossing of the Donets. We could not sustain it. No, if we do cross, I think we must go for Kharkov, and leave off any idea of reaching the Dnieper. Choose the route that serves you best, but be ready for a street fight if you get there.”

Chapter 14

The situation reports from the front came as one shock wave after another, and Hitler’s mood went from elation, to guarded optimism, to frustrated anger.

“Seven panzer divisions!” he exclaimed. “Steiner’s entire Korps! How could they fail to break through?”

“My Führer, they did break through, as the map clearly shows, but swallowing two Soviet armies was bound to slow the advance. Then two more Armies appear to replace those that were pocketed, and the enemy was able to restore the front. But that is not the issue this hour. There is grave danger in the south.” Zeitzler was remaining calm, seeing that Hitler was a boiling kettle that could pop off in a rage at any moment.

“What about 57th Panzer Korps?”

“It was clearly unable to stop this enemy counterattack.”

“What is wrong with my divisions? We clear the Kuban, soundly defeat Volkov after that, but we cannot go to Baku or Astrakhan. The Soviets were all but beaten last November. Now they attack us with armies that we knew nothing about! Manstein drives them back, but here they come once again. When will we settle this matter so I can proceed with Operation Downfall?”

“General Manstein is marshalling forces for counteroperations at this hour,” said Zeitzler.

“Yes, I am quite sure of that. Now you will tell me that Operation Zitadelle must be canceled. Yes? That is the only place such forces exist. Steiner, Steiner, Steiner!” Hitler slapped the table with the palm of his hand. Is he the only General I have who can get the job done? I should remove this General Manstein. All he does is issue grave warnings and talk of yielding more and more ground to the enemy. You will not hear such talk on the lips of a man like Steiner.”

He stopped, his hand quivering, blinking at the latest situation reports. Then he seemed to master his anger and pointed at the map. “Where? Where is that attack going?”

“We believe it is a second attempt to take Kharkov, said Zeitzler. “Thus far, they have not moved towards the lower Donets, but that could change.”

Hitler shook his head. “We went to take Kursk from them, and now they come for Kharkov. Well, they will not have it! Order Steiner to stop this attack at once. Zitadelle is a complete failure! Not one of you had the good sense to provide adequate reserves to prevent this enemy attack. This is sheer incompetence!”

Zeitzler stiffened at the remark, his upper lip taut. “I must remind you that General Manstein argued strongly that Operation Habicht should have been conducted first to dissipate the enemy’s offensive potential in the south, but he was overruled. He predicted this move by the enemy, but it was not his order that decided the matter.”

“Is that so…. Now you wish to blame your Führer for this debacle? Nonsense! It is clear that no provision was made to adequately guard the southern portion of the front. Do not argue with me, General Zeitzler. There is no time for that now. How will this new enemy offensive be stopped?”

“Steiner has suspended operations and is marshaling his Korps to move south. General Manstein has also ordered Grossdeutschland Division to move directly to Kharkov. If they want that city, they will not get their hands on it easily. He vows to fight there to the last man, but they will not take Kharkov. Dietrich is moving a Kampfgruppe to forestall their advance on the city should they cross the Donets and move in that direction.”

“What is this division?” Hitler pointed to a spot on the southwest edge of the Tomarovka pocket.

“That is 11th Panzer Division.”

“Order it to attack the pocket, and annihilate it.”

“Are you certain we should use that division? It is one of our very best in the regular army.”

“Do not ask me if I am certain when I give an order, General Zeitzler. Simply see that it is carried out. I want those armies destroyed. That will at least offer some consolation for the failure to reach Kursk!”

As the hours passed, Manstein began to realize that there would be no miraculous counterblow this time. There were simply too many places along the line where the enemy was pressing and expanding bridgeheads over the Donets. Even though these attacks did not have secondary forces available to exploit their successes, he knew that he could not ignore them.

Grossdeutschland Division arrived at Kharkov before sunrise on the 29th of May. It had been only four days since it formed up to make the grand attack north towards Kursk. Now here it was in Kharkov, the Führer’s Fire Brigade, and with orders to protect the city at all costs. To the east, the two Reichsführer Brigades had tried to stop 3rd Guards Army, but there were now undefended penetrations both north and south of its positions. The 196th Infantry Division was now retreating over the bridges at Chuguyev, with the SS Nordland Division and 3rd Panzergrenadiers, though elements of both those last two divisions were still trying to disengage.

The entire front between Stary Saltov and Chuguyev was therefore in a state of disruption, and he knew it would take one strong division to stabilize the situation. Then, north of that mess, opposite Volchansk, the Soviet 7th Guards Army had doggedly expanded its bridgehead. One spike after another was being driven into the wall, and they had to be hammered down. He could not do this and still have forces available in sufficient strength to launch a counterattack. However, if he did use Steiner’s divisions to push back these penetrations, they would end up on the Donets, with the possibility they could then cross as he had envisioned.

So it was that Paul Hausser’s 2nd SS Division would be sent against the 7th Guards, and Sepp Dietrich was ordered to get his troops on the trains near Belgorod and move south as soon as possible. They would flow through Kharkov that morning and continue on south to prepare a blocking position, as the enemy was expected to cross the Donets that morning. 3rd SS would have to stay in the north and hold the shoulder against 5th Guards Army.

That left the push being made by the 3rd Shock Group north of Chuguyev needing attention, and so Manstein ordered General Hörnlein to put together a Kampfgruppe and halt the enemy advance. He chose the Fusilier Regiment, augmented by two panzer companies, half the division artillery and three companies of the recon battalion. This attack would continue to pull in additional assets, but the whole of the Grenadier Regiment, and most of the Pioneers, would remain at Kharkov. Hörnlein was free with his panzers, because that morning all the Panthers of KG Decker pulled into Kharkov, with the two battalions of heavy Ferdinand Panzerjags.

That morning Mikhail Katukov accelerated his attack toward the trapped 5th Shock Group. He was relentless, using 3rd Mech and 31st Tank Corps to batter his way through the defensive lines of the 9th Panzer Division, and drive within five kilometers of the pocket. Hearing their comrades charging to their rescue, 5th Shock Army commander, Kamenko, ordered an attack to the north. His army had been weakened by days of fighting, with ammunition for the artillery nearly depleted, severe losses. 5th Tank Army was even worse off, with its 24th and 25th Tank Corps largely destroyed. But the 29th Tank Corps still had some punch, and it threw in an attack to try and break out.

The rescue of that army was going to be inevitable. The German front trying to contain those two Soviet armies to the north could not hold, and casualties and equipment losses, particularly the panzers, were mounting. Balck was advised of the situation and decided that he might do better by reinforcing the outer perimeter, instead of grinding his way through the lines of 5th Shock Army. He stopped 31st Tank Corps, in a massive tank battle at the village of Novocherkass, the heavy Lions dueling with T-34/85’s. 100th Tank brigade would lose 15 of 30 tanks in that fight, finding the new German armor just too good in spite of the many upgrades made to the reliable T-34.

Tank shock had again shifted to the Germans, and this would likely hold true for the remainder of the spring and summer until more Kirov-I models could be produced. Yet not to be outdone, Katukov shifted a full regiment of his 3rd Mech Corps against a battalion of Panzergrenadiers from 9th Panzer, and opened another small hole five kilometers to the west. The fast-moving infantry halftracks surged through the gap, quickly racing to the northern edge of the pocket. 29th Tank Corps had been concentrated there, and now the attack began from two sides.

Those mobile units would be among the first to break out, joyfully linking up with their comrades, but the slower moving infantry in the pocket would fare much worse. That night the linkup was complete, but only two rifle divisions and the Guard Cavalry would be rescued. The 300th and 315th Divisions had been completely destroyed, along with much of the artillery, three brigade sized units, and the service troops. All told, the Soviets would lose the equivalent of two Tank Corps and four rifle divisions in that pocket, but they saved Kursk, and gave the army every good prospect for the liberation of Kharkov, which was now uppermost on Vatutin’s mind.

It would soon be on Manstein’s mind as well.

Further south, Das Reich had managed to seal off the breach over the Donets west of Volchansk, but not before a brigade of Soviet tank hunters had slipped through and raced west. They split into smaller company sized units, fanning out, intent on wrecking any rear area troops they came upon. Some of Hausser’s recon companies had just come south, and they went into action against the SU-122s, overmatched on firepower, but having the agility to out maneuver the larger beasts and get good side shots with their 75mm guns. They had knocked out 9 of the Russian SPGs but then learned that one battalion had moved north towards Kazaye Lopan, where they had achieved their primary mission—to tear up the rail line between Belgorod and Kharkov.

These units had 152mm guns, and they found and routed a battalion of rail workers that had been repairing the line, then fired at the railway embankment itself, blasting segments and sending both steel and wood ties cascading into the air. This was the life line that Steiner had used to get three of his heavy divisions rapidly south, but now it was cut. It seemed a small thing, those twin steel rails disrupted over a 10-kilometer segment of the line, but it was going to matter. The Germans would suddenly realize that they had lost the advantage of interior lines, losing the ability to rapidly shift forces north and south as they had just done.

Sepp Dietrich telephoned Manstein in Kharkov, and it was not good news. “My Division is spread out over a 28-kilometer front,” he said. “We’ve halted their advance towards Kharkov, but I simply cannot concentrate to counterattack. They have two Mech Corps here, very fast and agile troops in halftracks. There are more motorized infantry coming up as well.”

“And there will be tanks coming,” said Manstein. “This is no good. Steiner’s entire Korps is spread out to deal with one crisis point after another. We should have simply given them Kharkov. If we did so, we know they would come for it and then we might mass on their northern flank and make some headway. We’re just putting out fires.”

“They’re going to get around my right flank,” said Dietrich, making things plain and simple.”

There was a long silence while Manstein considered. Bad news had piled on top of bad news. He had learned the rail line to Belgorod had been cut, and though his forces had sealed off the holes in the dike, the water was spilling over the top! To make matters worse, the Army itself was now split in two. From Hollidt’s left flank anchored on Balakleya, to Dietrich’s flank south of Kharkov, there was a 60-mile segment of the line along the Middle Donets that had a single German infantry division holding, the 36th sent from Army Group Center. That, with a few Ostruppen and Luftwaffe battalions at key crossing points, was the only thing to stop the Russians from crossing the Middle Donets and driving for the Dnieper if they choose to do so.

“Alright,” said Manstein. “Hold your line for the time being. I am going to pull back the units at Chuguyev. We’ll establish a tighter perimeter near Kharkov. Otherwise, if they go around your flank, they will be in the city in two days. Stand fast, until I can get those units back. Then be ready to move quickly when I send you the order.”

Manstein had already taken the great risk of ordering a halt to Operation Zitadelle and pulling all of Steiner’s troops out to shore up the Middle Donets. Now he was contemplating an even greater risk, and one that might very well cost him his head. He needed to give the enemy ground to reform his front with infantry, and get his panzers free to concentrate for an attack. If he had his way, Grossdeutschland Division would not have gone to Kharkov, nor would Sepp Dietrich be making his plaintive call in the night from his overextended front in the south. He would have mustered them all in one place, and if that meant the enemy would take Kharkov, so be it.

The only reason he had acted as he did was to appease Hitler. He knew the loss of the city would send the Führer into a terrible rage, moaning over the political ramifications, particularly after the demise of 5th Panzer Army in Tunisia. It would be a very hard blow to Army morale as a whole, but he held fast to the belief that he could correct the situation, just as he had done the previous month. He had been Hitler’s magician, always coming up with some plan and countermeasure for every crisis. But one must first have a hat in hand to pull out a rabbit, and he needed to concentrate his forces, build something to fight with, and quickly.

He had hoped the enemy would take their breakthrough and reach for the lower Donets again. That would have made things so much easier. Instead, they had opted to envelop Kharkov from the south, and with each hour the gap between Dietrich and Hollidt would grow ever wider. If they were to suddenly produce yet another reserve army to exploit that gap….

There is only one other reserve I can call upon now. Hitler cancelled Operation Eisenfall and pulled the 5th SS out of Syria a month ago. It was reassigned to Steiner, but with orders to convert to a full Panzer Division. Nothing was available from the factories by the time it arrived, but the 24th Panzerkorps left a good amount of older equipment on the Dnieper when it was recalled home to rebuild. General Gille has had his division picking over that equipment for some weeks now, and getting some much needed rest after their visit to Damascus. Now I think I must call home Steiner’s lost sheep. I will also need to recall 3rd SS from the northern segment of my front. If that means Kempf must fall back on Kharkov, then that is what I will order. Should Hitler interfere to prevent this, then I will have to tender my resignation. I will fight the way I know I must, come what may.

Only God help the Army if it comes to the moment when I hand the Führer back this Field Marshal’s baton. I wonder how it will feel in his feeble hand?

Chapter 15

Manstein had good reason for his misgivings, for Operation Rumyantsev was planned to have two phases. Vatutin’s new Donets Front would lead in the south, and it had achieved a great breakthrough, halting the German offensive in the north, and forcing Manstein to recall Steiner to the defense of Kharkov. While this was going on, Rokossovsky liberated all he could of the trapped 5th Shock Group, and then began to prepare his armies in that sector for renewed offensive operations.

Katukov’s attack was halted and his three mobile corps began to regroup. The surviving 29th Tank Corps was reorganizing and waiting for fresh supplies, and STAVKA was releasing new formations from general reserve to build up for the attack. Some would begin to introduce new concepts debated and adopted by the Soviet army, which was rapidly adapting as they learned the deadly art of maneuver warfare.

A great deal of discussion was dedicated to the lessons learned from the Battle of Volkov Yar. The Soviets analyzed both their strengths and weaknesses, particularly within their armored corps. They realized that the German technology curve for tank design had caught up and surpassed their own efforts. The German Lion was now a proven and highly effective tank, with the VK-75mm model a match for the T-34, and the VK-88mm model superior to the newest T-34/85 when it came to engagement range and protection. Only the Kirov-I was a match for it, and the German Tiger. The same could be said for the German Panther, which was another strong medium tank capable of matching and often besting all models of the T-34.

The Soviets had the advantage of mass, with most line Tank Corps fielding three tank brigades, with two battalions each, with the Guards Tank Corps and latest Line Corps (29th and 31st) having three tank Brigades with three battalions each. Yet the weak point of the current Tank Corps structure was its lack of adequate infantry support. Even though it had a full brigade of motorized infantry attached, in actual practice, the Soviets found that the truck mounted infantry could not keep up with the tanks, particularly in cross country movement and definitely in winter conditions. This saw the tanks outpacing the infantry, and then finding themselves alone when facing the combined arms formations of the German Panzer Divisions.

The first attempt to redress the need for infantry in faster moving formations was the concept of the Motor Rifle Division. This was an effort to emulate the German Motorized Divisions, but it was soon deemed to be ineffective for the kind of shock and exploit armored warfare the Soviets were now contemplating, a doctrine that would be known as Deep Operations.

It had three regiments of motorized infantry, but in the older trucks which were often roadbound, its mobility was limited. General Mikhail Katukov, perhaps one of the best practitioners of the Mobile Art the Russians had, never liked the formation, claiming that it was too slow, and too weak to fight with the tank corps, or make any real contribution to a tank army. He was proven correct at Volkov Yar, where the 2nd Motor Rifle Division, under Ermakov, had been savaged by the German counterattack, and largely destroyed. The infantry had been too sluggish in cross country movement, and lacked adequate AT support for defense. It was basically just a faster rifle division, but was not suitable for the role of exploitation, and could only be deployed in a support role if assigned to a tank army.

Katukov had made his arguments long before Ermakov paid the price on the field of battle. In early 1942, seeing the sluggishness of the Soviet Army, its inability to react to the fast-moving German Panzer Divisions, Katukov spoke up.

“We need mobile infantry that can maneuver and operate with our tank corps. This is what the Germans have in their Panzer Divisions. We must do the same.”

“We already have the Motor Rifle Division,” said Zhukov.

“They are ineffective, nothing more than a fast rifle division. I need something that can give me cross country infantry support when I run with my T-34s. We need to put the infantry into a halftrack, or better yet, a fully tracked vehicle.”

The Soviet answer to that problem had been the development of the Mech Corps, of which there were now eight in the Army, often designated “Guards.” This saw all the infantry mounted in halftracks using the new ZIS-42M Cross Country truck, with its rear propulsion being tracked. Some models even mounted a potent 37mm Open Topped AA Gun, which could also be used as an infantry support weapon. Very fast, and with good cross country movement capability, the Mech Corps was the perfect exploitation force, and so the Soviets built their Tank Armies with two Tank Corps for the breakthrough, and one Mech Corps to exploit and breach in the enemy line. The only liability was that the Mech Corps did not have as much armor support, fielding only one tank brigade, but at least it was given the better T-34/85, and sometimes even had a company of the newest Kirov-I’s added. Katukov argued that all the existing Motor Rifle Divisions should be converted to Mech Corps.

“Even if we can provide enough ZIS-42M’s to make the conversion,” he said, “that formation will still lack anti-tank support. Why not try a new concept in the way we add that armor protection to the Mech Corps?”

“What do you mean?” asked Zhukov.

“Well, at present, we assign a full armored brigade to our Guards Mech Corps. Leave that alone, but for the Motor Rifle Division conversions, integrate the armor within the new infantry battalions using the ZIS-42M. This way they will always have support at hand when they fight, and not have to wait for the armor brigade to send tanks when needed.”

“Will this not disperse the striking power of the armor?” asked Zhukov.

“Yes, but this new Motor Rifle Corps will not be a breakthrough force. It is an exploitation force, with both speed and staying power, like our Mech Corps. Let me build one such Corps and battle test it in the field.”

“Very Well, do so. I will see that you get the next shipment of the new ZIS-M42’s, but for this role, what tank will you select?”

“It will not need the breakthrough armor, only the T-34, and the latest models if available. That said, I will take whatever I can get. If we had a real armored personnel carrier, and one with a decent main gun added for support, then we would not have to shuffle in tanks as I now suggest. We would be solving the problem by building the fighting quality we want into the infantry vehicle, instead of by simply restructuring an existing Mech Corps.”

That remark caught Zhukov’s attention. “A real APC? The ZIS-42 is not enough? Explain.”

“What I would like is an infantry carrier, but not a halftrack. It should be built on a fully tracked tank chassis, which has much better armor to protect the infantry from both small arms, mortars, and enemy artillery as it advances in an attack. The ZIS-42 is good for cross country movement, but it has a very high silhouette in combat, and becomes an easy target. We need a new design—with a low silhouette, and better armor than a halftrack. Put a 76mm gun on it somehow, and we’ve got a real Boyevaya Mashina Pekhoty —an infantry fighting vehicle! It would be fast enough to stay in close contact with conventional armor, more durable than any infantry carrier we now have, and it would have real punch, as much hitting power as a T-34. Only with this vehicle, the infantry rides inside, instead of jumping on top of the tank as they often do now.”

That was a far-reaching concept, years, perhaps decades ahead of its time, but Katukov had seen the strengths and liabilities of the Soviet armored forces first hand, and he knew instinctively what was needed. General Zhukov was deeply impressed.

“I like this idea,” he said. “If we could build such a vehicle, how would you design it?”

“It must be an infantry carrier, fast, with good protection, and with a main gun on it of at least a 76mm caliber. Being fully tracked, it will have good cross-country performance, and make the tracks wide like those on the T-34 for winter conditions. It must not be too heavy, so the front must be sloped to improve the defensive capability of its armor. Since it will have a gun turret, I would incline that slope forward, and not backward as in our T-34. Then the turret could be moved forward, allowing more room for the infantry squad behind it in the main body. There would then be a hatch in the back, not on the top, to allow the infantry to deploy safely while under fire, and they should all have SMG’s.”

“Interesting,” said Zhukov. “Very interesting…. Let us try to build such a vehicle. Yes? In fact, go to Siberia yourself, to Chelyabinsk, and direct the design of this vehicle. I can spare you from the front for a few months this winter.”

That conversation had taken place in June of 1942, and a prototype that was known only as “Object 700” was drafted and designed at the Kurgan Machine Building Plant, east of Chelyabinsk. A certain intelligence officer, Tyrenkov, soon became aware of the project’s existence, and when he brought the matter to Vladimir Karpov, the cagy Siberian decided to speed things along. He approached Sergei Kirov, who was desperate for Siberian manpower throughout 1942, and made a deal with him that his Siberian Army would get tank production support in exchange.

“I can even assist your design process in that regard,” he told Kirov. “You have seen things, from another way this history could have played out. You have seen the Russia that Stalin would have built, the gulags, the mass executions and purges, the assassinations. Well I must tell you that others have seen these things as well. Volkov calls himself the “Prophet,” and not without good reason. He has long sight, and even as you have, he has seen things from days that have not yet come to pass.”

“Yes,” said Kirov. “I was warned of this by Admiral Volsky and Mister Fedorov. “He is from the upper floor of the inn, in a manner of speaking.”

“A clever way of putting it,” said Karpov. “You should also that I am from the upper floor of the inn as well. I have seen things from another time.”

That conversation had set Soviet tank design off in the right direction, and the initial aim was to get the better tank designs conceived and built earlier than they were in the real history. The Kirov-I was already over six months early, but when Karpov learned about Object 700, he was quite surprised. “That idea wasn’t realized until the late 1950s,” he told Tyrenkov. “Let us see what we can do to help it along.”

A year had passed since these events took place. The SU-76 Self Propelled Gun had been a starting point, but that chassis had its frontal armor sloped the wrong way, and it had a rear mounted turret. But a similar chassis was designed, and shepherded along by Karpov. Within that long year, prototypes were produced and tested, and alterations were made, adding gun ports so the mounted infantry could fire from inside the vehicle if necessary.

Instead of trying to provide heavy armor against main tank guns, it was deemed that protection from shell fragments, small arms and machineguns would be sufficient, which kept the weight down to 15 to 18 tons. Against enemy tanks, the vehicle would look to deploy hull down, and take advantage of its very low silhouette. It took time and sweat, but the urgency of the war, and Karpov’s ability to aid in the design, pushed it along. By mid-1943, the Soviets were going to have what Mikhail Katukov had asked for so long ago, and they would call it by the initials of the words he had used to first describe it to General Zhukov—Boyevaya Mashina Pekhoty —the B.M.P. While it was not the same vehicle that the Soviets would build after the war, it incorporated similar ideas in design and function.

So, after Volkov Yar, the Soviets decided to discontinue building more Motorized Rifle Divisions, and converted any remaining in the field to the new Mechanized Corps concept. As Zhukov had promised, Mikhail Katukov would get the first production run on the AFV he had asked for, and by May of 1943, there were just enough to equip nine battalions. The first thought was that they could use those brigades to replace the motorized infantry troops in three separate Tank Corps, but Katukov protested.

“No,” he said. “Let me build one new fast Mech Corps, the 5th Guards. We already have three Motorized Rifle Brigades in Popov’s old group that are trained to operate with armor. There is my infantry. All they need now is this new B.M.P. and some support assets.”

The 5th Guards Mech was created, and it had been held in the Voronezh Front reserve by Rokossovsky. Now, after learning of the heavy losses to 5th Shock Army, and the destruction of the 24th and 25th Tank Corps, he sent it to Katukov to augment his already powerful 1st Guards Army. A written message was handed to him when the Corps commander reported to Katukov for duty.

“Here now is the force you conceived and built after a long year of trial and effort. Use it well.”

It was signed Sergei Kirov, General Secretary of the Soviet Union.

With this new Corps in hand, and with the Germans pulling most of their Panzer divisions south to defend Kharkov, Rokossovsky now ordered Katukov to reclaim the ground he had taken in April during Operation Red Star. “After reorganizing, you will continue your assault with 1st Tank Army, Chiukov’s 8th Guards, and adjacent infantry armies, with the aim of breaking the enemy front, retaking Tomarovka, and pushing south to compel the enemy to yield his position on the upper Donets.”

General Katukov’s troops were ready for action. The three mobile corps in his own army were still in good shape, and now he would inherit the last surviving member of the old 5th Tank Army, the 29th Tank Corps, and his new 5th Guards Mech. As five mobile corps were too much for a single army staff to coordinate, he would now reassign forces to build two separate tank armies, and the newcomer would be called 5th Guards Tank, in honor of the old army that had died to give it birth.

So even though the Germans had delivered a very heavy blow with their abortive Operation Zitadelle, largely destroying the operational capability of the 5th Shock Group, it was a case of Hercules versus the Hydra. STAVKA still had considerable resources, long husbanded by Zhukov over the long winter lull where January through March of 1943 saw little action on the East Front. The Soviets had taken the enemy blow, and were now delivering a strong counterattack aimed at encircling Kharkov, Operation Rumyantsev.

Phase II of that plan was about to begin.